Britain's finance minister has approached this week's budget comparable to a hesitant bather inching into cold water, attempting to mitigate the hardship through gradual entry.
Reeves started tackling the problem of limited income towards the close of summer. To begin with, she refused to stand by previous assertions that increases in taxation in the previous year's financial statement would be the final ones.
Subsequently, in early November, she took a more significant step into the icy waters. A speech committed to "do what is necessary" to support government services and keep debt expenses low.
Within 10 days, the finance ministry had withdrawn the implication. The election promise still stood after all. Like every icy-water swimmer realizes, this cancelled plunge and shivering withdrawal is the most painful of all methods. No tactic extends the suffering like indecision.
It's difficult to be decisive when deciding between degrees of self-inflicted damage.
Optimism has not been a great tactic for this government. At the core of the prime minister's election bid was the futile belief of by some means meeting the public's call for improved government services without reversing significant amounts of Conservative reductions in taxation.
At no point has either Starmer or the chancellor effectively conveyed a impression of collective goal to explain all this difficulty. To some extent that is a challenge of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are uncannily alike in their poor communication skills, wooden and reticent in a way that repels the public off instead of attracting them towards them.
Just as political pressure to invest in public services has pushed the finance ministry to concede that revenue must rise, the financial necessity of increasing economic expansion makes it ever harder to overlook the price of separation from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers devoted a year experimenting in the initial phase of closer ties with the European Union: plans to eliminate import controls on agricultural goods; a young people's exchange program. Aspiration went a more substantial on energy, armed forces partnership, but nothing of substance has so far been agreed.
Lacking clear direction and drive from Downing Street, negotiations are stalled. EU officials says trading benefits are unlocked with payments to the EU budget. British officials understand that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them enthusiastic for a public row and political opponents screaming betrayal over whatever price ends up being settled.
Economic reality has caused some shift in the government's tone on the European question. Reeves has commenced naming EU withdrawal alongside the coronavirus crisis as a factor of financial harm that the Treasury is striving to address. Other ministers have followed suit, although they cautiously assign the responsibility to "unfavorable agreement" or "the manner of departure", never just "leaving".
The issue of the nation's future relationship with the European Union can't be reduced to procedural changes and customs systems when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. Given everything that has occurred since the Brexit vote, it feels legitimate still to be raising the big question: were Britain's interests served by leaving the EU?
These are cold, uncomfortable facts about the nation's position in uncertain international waters. It is not surprising that Starmer and Reeves recoil from the challenge. It would take them way out of their depth, into trends that they dare not swim against. So as an alternative they persist nervously pacing the shore, hoping that perhaps shortly the circumstances will change.
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